Young
Unionists

Our second guest blog contains the thoughts of O’Neill of the Unionist Lite blog.

Cards on the table first of all, I’m not a member of the Ulster Unionist Party (nor unfortunately that young any more), so I will understand if the end of this rather over-long short post you all tell me to go away and mind my own business!

I’m a non-aligned Unionist; for a number of reasons I believe in the continuing Union of England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. There’s four parts to the United Kingdom and when we (or more often the DUP) speak of safe-guarding N.Ireland’s place in the Union, we must never forget that there are two parts to that statement, there’s no point safeguarding N.Ireland’s status in the Union, if that Union itself no longer exists.

Our first priority, as Unionists of whatever description, should therefore be ensuring that the United Kingdom as a political entity remains in existence. We should be pushing our representatives to have a much closer involvement in United Kingdom politics, fighting with like-minded allies “the politics of the Union”, looking to strengthen east-west ties, looking to directly influence the decisions being taken at the centre of our nation. The second priority is to ensure that any future Border Poll provides a healthy majority for Northern Ireland’s continuing future within the United Kingdom. At the minute, if surveys are to be believed, there is a large majority (ranging from 20-30%) of Northern Ireland’s population that wishes our constitutional status to remain unchanged. Yet, at the last election the difference in total % votes cast between Unionism and nationalism was less than 5%. You should be all asking yourselves the question, “Why?”

It’s actually an easy one to answer. The UUP and DUP presently do not offer a comfortable home for all those who would be in favour of the Union continuing, simple as that. The DUP make no bones about what market they’re concentrating on and that’s the communal Ulster protestant one; look at their website, the articles stress their defence of the Orange Order, social conservatism (e.g. the abortion question) and the constant never-ending fight (as they would define it) against the “encroachment of Irish culture” (be it the Irish language or the GAA). And in terms of that narrow focus they do the job well…but it will not reduce that difference between the number of unionists (with a small “u”) and actual Unionist voters at the ballot box- look at again those election results over the last ten years; as the DUP have gained in strength vis-à-vis the UUP, the total % voting Unionist has remained static or, in some cases, even dropped. They may well be maximising their share of the existing Unionist vote, they are not, however, increasing the total Unionist vote.

And the UUP? What have you done…or are doing… or are planning to do, to mobilise that potential for Unionism? Are you concentrating too much on fighting the “politics of Unionism” and forgetting the wider picture? A hard, but true fact is that you have lost the battle for the cultural wing of Unionism to the DUP- the mythical “Unionist People” (in reality those who primarily believe themselves to be British because of their birthplace, religion and attitude on matters of social conscience) are never coming back to your party. That certainly is of little consequence towards the overall fight for the Union, but more specifically, is that really such a bad thing for the UUP?

I believe not, but only if you maximise the opportunities that are at the moment presenting themselves to you. You have the chance to build up firm links (be it as a merger or as an alliance) with a secular, modern and well-resourced (financially and intellectually) party that operates throughout the United Kingdom. By doing so, you will be strengthening the east-west links which hold us to the mainland and also gaining the opportunity to influence the politics that affect all of our nation, not just our own, small corner. You will be showing to those passive unionists I’ve spoken of earlier, that you are no longer interested in fighting on the sectarian battlefield, presently dominated by the DUP and Sinn Fein, but are, at least, trying to push politics here towards what would be considered as normal in the rest of our nation; those passive unionists are unionists because of economic and social, not cultural reasons and those are the arenas in which we should be choosing to fight Irish nationalism.

For the more pragmatic amongst you, the question probably will be; “All very well, but it will increase our vote at the next European/ local government, Westminster election”? And the answer is a simple “Who knows?” But I’m not quite sure what your alternative is; continue to fight the DUP on their terms, whilst the overall vote for Unionism continues to stagnate? At the very least, by building a stronger link with the Conservative Party you’re going to shake politics here out of its present sectarian stalemate, you’re going to push many people beyond their normal comfort-zone and you’re going to contribute towards a genuine United Kingdom form of Unionism.

And yes, I think, as a rather handy side-effect, it will bring greater success for you at the ballot-box.

In light of the worsening global economic crisis, it is unsurprising that unemployment is rising. What is surprising however is the rate of the increase. Unemployment increased by 164,000 in 3 months or rather more sensationally 1.25 jobs a minute. That brings unemployment to 5.7% up from 5.2% in the last quarter the overall statistic is still not terrible but it is the highest seen in over 8 years. What is more concerning however is that the number of vacancies is also falling which increases the likelihood of the job losses turning into long-term unemployment.

The Question we must surely ask ourselves is whether the problem will get worse. The consensus amongst economists is that it will. Some economists are saying that unemployment will reach 2 million by Christmas and one forecast by, Capital Economics predicts that unemployment will reach 3 million by Christmas 2010.

Looking at the political reaction to this we can see that Commons Leader Harriet Harman told the Commons the Government was “very, very much concerned.” Brown reacted by promising to safeguard existing jobs saying, “Unemployment and redundancies are something that we wish to avoid wherever possible,”

The Opposition unsurprisingly has been quick to comment. Shadow Work and Pensions Secretary Chris Grayling said the UK was now seeing the consequences of “the economic mismanagement of the last 10 years”. The conservatives are evidently sticking to the theme of “not mending the roof while the sun was shining” -George Osborne in regards to public sector borrowing. The conservatives added that “many people will suffer as a result.”

The Lib Dems on the other hand have said “The effects of the banking crisis have filtered down to the real economy and are affecting people across the county.” The Lib Dems now advise “Now the banking rescue package has been agreed, the government must turn its attention to unemployment and inflation. Real families across Britain are suffering, not just those working in the Square Mile.”

It is undeniable that unemployment is once again firmly on the political agenda. I believe that this represents one of the most profound changes to the political landscape in the last few years. The dominance of Cameron and the Conservatives has been checked by these new issues and Brown received a bounce in the polls (However the Guardian still maintain that he is 12 points behind). It seems that the economic crisis has increased the appeal of a safe pair of hands and Brown has 11 years of experience. The PM has also received a lot of good press by coordinating the international reaction to the crisis.

I believe that the issues surrounding recession (growth, inflation, unemployment) will cme to dominate the political agenda very soon the question posed seems to be can Brown turn things around or will Cameron’s political nimbleness allow him the grasp this new opportunity and finally finish new Labour.

Rick and I were at the Slugger Awards this evening in W5.  Good to see that two out of the three blogs shortlisted for political blog of the year were UUP blogs, even if neither won!  Congratulations to both Brian and Chekov for standing out in an increasingly crowded field.

Congratulations also to UUP Deputy Leader Danny Kennedy on his well deserved win in the Committee Chair of the Year category.  Danny does a sterling job as Chairman of OFMDFM and fully deserves the recognition, as does Basil McCrea for his nomination of newcomer of the year.  A mention also for David Gordon of the Belfast Telegraph for his journalist of the year award which is also richly deserved.

Junior Minister Gerry Kelly has been at the centre of recent controversy surrounding his appearence on the BBC documentary ‘Breakout’ where he, without any hint of remorse, described the moment where he put a put a bullet in the head of a Prison Officer. Gerry Kelly by this stage was a well know terrorist with such atrocities such as the Old Bailey bombing already under his belt. Only in Northern Ireland and the current corruption of government can an individual like Gerry Kelly not only play a leading role, but be widely touted as Sinn Fein’s nominee for a role in the Policing & Justice Ministry. Michael Shilliday has hit on some of the themes in a previous post.

Lately we have been treated to the dulcet tones of Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams announcing to the world that the devolution of Policing & Justice was agreed to be completed by May 2008 in the St. Andrews negotiations and subsequent agreement. Sir Reg Empey has clearly stated that ‘blackmail‘ will not cut it, and here Sir Reg and First Minister Peter Robinson will need to stand together in the face of Sinn Fein’s demands. Both the DUP and UUP have explicitly stated that the marker for devolution of Policing & Justice will be the confidence of the unionist community, nothing less.

Let’s get back to Sinn Fein’s self-inflicted predicament. What do Sinn Fein not understand by ‘gaining the confidence of the unionist community’? Gerry Kelly is a prime example. How can a person with Gerry Kelly’s past where his bread and butter was the killing, maiming and sectarian pursuit of a united Ireland through terrorism be best suited for this role? Then just to rub salt in the wounds Junior Minister Kelly appears on ‘Breakout’ discussing his unrepentant pursuit of his ‘political’ goals. We can also throw into the mix the ‘unionist outreach’ approach headed up by another convicted terrorist, Martina Anderson. What were Sinn Fein trying to achieve if not to wind up unionists?

Unionisms approach to the peace process has frequently featured a requirement for repetence. If not repetence, then surely it is reasonable for civic society to expect that a shared future somehow requires a coming together over shared values. While we all aspire to a shared future, Sinn Fein’s deliberate strategy, exemplified by the staging of hunger strike and Loughgall ‘martyrs’ commemerations recently at Queen’s University; Gerry Kelly’s most recent contribution is unlikely to build confidence that a new generation of young nationalists and the republican movement, in a post-agreement Northern Ireland, regard respect for life, human rights, policing and law & order as prerequistites in a democratic society.

Going through my daily dose of political blogs I came across a piece by O’Neill over on A Pint of Unionist Lite that took a look at the DUP’s proposed Unionist Academy. O’Neill offers his view of what criteria would need to be met:

1. It should not be regional nor party-driven- there are Unionists spread all over the United Kingdom’s political spectrum; we need much more closer cooperation and cross-pollination of ideas throughout that political spectrum- the time for a Pan UK-Unionist Front has most definitely arrived.

2. Linked with 1) it should deal with ideas wider than the normal day to day parochial; e.g in Northern Ireland there will still remain enough foot-soldiers on the ground to ensure that the Orangemen retain their toilet facilities in Armagh, considering how we can best deal with the Barnett Formula is quite another and rather more important question for the future of the Union.

3. Funding. Full-time staff would be required to supplement the large number of amateurs presently flying the flag. In practical terms, a UK-wide organization will need funding from the UK-wide parties.

4. Positivism. It’s fun ripping apart the various nationalist arguments, but long-term it doesn’t drive the movement forward; new ideas re the economic, cultural, social development of the United Kingdom are needed.

5. Best utilisation of resources- eg an actual brick and cement building is not needed for such an “academy” or “think-tank” to operate, access to a PC will be quite sufficient.

6. Most important of all and linked to point 1)- a full and complete independence to deliver its views and options.

Is the DUP prepared to deliver on points 1) and 6)?

I share some of O’Neill’s concerns over the intentions behind the ‘academy’ but I am still intrigued and drawn to the idea of a think-tank to explore and bring together the many different strands of unionism, both within and outside of Northern Ireland. Regarding the ’sticking points’ of criteria 1 and 6 I wholeheartedly agree with O’Neill; I would like to see the party political actors sit together solely as unionists and set down a vision of where they would like to see unionism going in the future. It may seem a bit airy fairy and conceptual, but a unionist narrative and coherent response is needed to counter the ever growing ‘cultural war’ in Northern Ireland.

I for one will not be writing off the DUP’s proposal until I can see some of the detail yet to emerge, and I hope it is more than a cheap gimmick. With a bit of work and cross-party support this could be the beginning of an important journey.

I read with interest a BBC news report from the 19 June where Peter Robinson urged negotiation with Sinn Fein over the education issue. Mr Robinson said that the executive needed to “get into negotiation mode” and that if they could agree over education it would show they could agree over anything.

My response to this would be to advise Mr Robinson to get agreement within his own party before he tries to broker a deal with Sinn Fein. His own Junior Minister Jeffrey Donaldson MP MLA made his views on education negotiations very clear in a letter to his local paper the Ulster Star.

In this letter Jeffrey Donaldson accused my good self of defeatism for appealing for negotiations months ago. Furthermore Mr Donaldson accused me of deliberately misleading the public for insisting that negotiations where necessary and that the DUP’s “salvation of the Grammar schools” at St Andrews wouldn’t be enough to keep academic selection.

In this letter Jeffrey Donaldson insisted that “the law was on the side of the grammar schools” and that any attempt at negotiations would merely “split” unionist resistance to the scheme. If Alderman Donaldson still believes this to be the case then we can no doubt expect a stern rebuke against the first minister. This rebuke may not be timely as it is over 3 months since the decision was made but our wee Jeffrey has the reassurance that the law is on his side and that the DUP saved Grammar schools at St Andrews. Surely this reassurance is more important than the ministerial paycheck.

This blog will occasionally publish pieces by more than the core team of bloggers.  The first such piece is penned by Chekov of the Three Thousand Versts blog:

Little Ulsterism, Ulster nationalism, ‘ourselves alone’ unionism, you can roll out the pejorative epithets and they perfectly encapsulate the tone of an editorial carried in yesterday’s News Letter. In many ways this piece illustrates tendencies which have done most to handicap Northern Ireland throughout its history and damage the cause of unionists within it.

The piece is a simplistic litany whereby Ulster’s stout defenders are perpetually let down by the perfidious Brits at Westminster. It represents Ulster unionism with the drawbridge up, besieged and confused, with no intention of attempting to alleviate its predicament.

There is no acknowledgement here that unionism itself, by failing to engage constructively with successive British governments, contributed to the various reverses which the editorial lists. There is no ambition to strengthen Ulster unionism’s position, learn from past mistakes, actively strive toward “making Northern Ireland’s status within the UK more solid and binding”.

Cameron is currently offering Ulster Unionists a chance to advance those very objectives. He is making the offer because the United Kingdom is a different place to that in which previous perceived Conservative wrong-doings were inflicted on Northern Irish unionists. The Union is under attack from various quarters and Northern Ireland is no longer so clearly a ‘place apart’. Rather, the attempts of Ulster Unionists to bolster the Union and protect the constitution, strike an increasingly harmonious chord right across the UK.

The opportunity is there for Ulster Unionists, both to strengthen the Union and participate in a modern, revitalised pan-UK unionism. It is no time to heed the voices represented by this article, or those from within the DUP, which wish unionists to collectively repair to a bunker. From there to cry ’sell-out’ whenever political developments, which we have abdicated responsibility for, go against us.

As the old saying goes, ‘a week is a long time in politics’, so coming back after over a year to blog for the Young Unionists it is hard to know where to pick up. When I was last writing I had the bit between my teeth over the Ulster Unionists taking the leap into oppositional territory in the Northern Ireland Assembly, as I was, and still am, a believer in providing effective opposition to those currently governing. On that point I believe it is getting clearer by the day the democratic deficit that exists In Northern Ireland and I hope the powers that be know it cannot last forever and will be actively exploring all avenues open to them.

The topic of the moment (apart from the non-meetings of the Northern Ireland Executive) is the ongoing speculation over the talks between David Cameron’s Conservative Party and the Ulster Unionist Party. I do not intend to sugar coat my analysis of the situation nor do I intend to spin a line simply to stay out of limelight: what I can offer is simply how I read the ongoing negotiations and the speculation by the media (blogosphere included) that can hopefully engender a healthy debate. I will try and take it point by point but I will be happy to respond to any issues raised at a later date or simply by replying to any comments.

Is it a merger?

To the best of my knowledge there has been zero talk about a merger within the UUP. To be frank a merger would be a crazy path to follow as beyond a few statistics gleamed from polls the two parties have very little firm evidence of what electoral response they will have. A federal model for cooperation appears much more workable, and certainly from an Ulster Unionist perspective, this will be the avenue that answers a lot of the questions. Models that have been mentioned elsewhere are the CDU/CSU model from Germany and a Canadian federal model. I have taken a look at the Bavarian model from Germany in a bit of detail and it certainly is interesting, but we will be setting our own precedent and looking at other models for inspiration.

What about those who identify with Labour, Lib Dem or anti-Tory?

Bob McCartney is probably best known for his campaign for equal citizenship and calls for the mainland UK parties to organise and campaign in Northern Ireland; I for one will relish the day when we have the established parties based along socio-economic lines, and those days are certainly getting a bit closer. Chris McGimpsey has already declared his discomfort and I respect him for his views as he has been a strong advocate for the union for many a year. Of course it is to be expected that those who are not naturally conservatives to look else where, but there are not many of them currently within the UUP or if they are they are more likely to horrified by Gordon Brown and New Labour.

I have heard a lot about the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 that has led to anti-Tory feelings. Let me be clear: are unionists more happy to have Sinn Fein in government than to vote for a Conservative? If so I am worried.

What if the UUP are lumped with policies that are adverse to their own electorate?

A federal model, speficially for the Northern Ireland Assembly, allows the UUP to shape its manifestos and pledges to their own immediate electorate. At Westminster the ideal scenario for the UUP is to negotiate and sign up to a Conservative manifesto; the worst case scenario is they stand up for Northern Ireland’s interests when there is a conflict ie vote against the Conservative line.

What’s in it for the UUP?

An optimist would say to articulate the need for pan-UK Unionism, potentially having Ministers or Junior Ministers in the Cabinet, playing a full-time role representing Northern Ireland and of course injecting a bit of life-blood into the party. A cynic would say finance, direction and a slice of the pie (peerages). It is too early to pass judgment.

What’s in it for David Cameron?

Times have changed, the fight for the Union does not have Northern Ireland as the primary battlefield: It is now in Scotland in the shape of Alex Salmond. Being a ‘party of the union’ David Cameron needs to have a Conservative Party representing all the constituent parts of the UK and that (if you need reminding) includes Northern Ireland. The UUP can fulfill that role. Is it hard to see David Cameron as a Unionist? He is making the right noises and the move away (a deliberate move at that) from an English orientated party is positive and I dare say rewarding.

What’s the downside?

Here’s where I will get a few looks to kill over the next few days. Not only were the electorate blissfully unaware of the ongoing negotiations between the UUP and the Conservatives – so were the UUP party members which appears to stand in complete contrast to the NI Tories. For something as potentially important preparation is needed to enable the party to filter the news down in a controlled and manageable fashion. Too late now. Having just gone through a drawn out constitutional review with consultations throughout Northern Ireland I for one would have expected some effort by the leadership in this regard.

Scare tactics are being used to talk about Tory Candidates already ’selected’ to contest seats in Northern Ireland which is just a nuisance. David Trimble’s recent appearance at the Conservative Conference got a few tongues wagging about his role in all of this. For myself the Westminster seats of South Belfast and Fermangh & South Tyrone are an obstacle that needs to be dealt with delicately and I fear Lord Trimble’s remarks were out of touch with his former party.

Well I was going to do something like a ‘logical conclusion’ but I feel all unionists need to think long and hard about the UUP-Conservatve talks and potential future relationship. I am a unionist first and foremost and that will not change. The question I have asked myself is simple: ‘Would I feel uncomfortable as a Conservative Unionist?’.

The answer is no. I already am one.

It looks like there are a few problems viewing the site in Internet Explorer at the moment, we’ll have those sorted in the next few weeks.  The site views as intended in Firefox however.  I think there may be a small problem with the RSS feed as well, but am not sure about that.

The new blogging team should be in place within the next few days, after which output will increase steadily!